The Power of Jade

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The History of Jade and Jade Jewelery

Chinese Jade (Nephrite)  

            At some time around 2300 BC,  a large number of the major civilizations of the world collapsed, simultaneously it seems. The Akkadian Empire in Mesopotamia, the Old Kingdom in Egypt, the Early Bronze Age civilization in Israel, Anatolia and Greece, as well as the Indus Valley civilization in India, the Hilmand civilization in Afghanistan and the Hongshan Culture in China - the first urban civilizations in the world - all fell into ruin at more or less the same time. Why? It’s becoming more widely believed that it was due to the impact of a comet. These theories have come more to the accepted possibilities since the impact of the commit Shoemaker-Levy 9 on Jupiter in 1994. Other theories are volcanic and earthquakes.  

A large amount of jade ornaments were found in the site of the Hongshan culture which existed prior to its collapse in about 2300BC. The jade was and still is an expensive gemstone. In the Hongshan culture, the jade ( Nephrite) was used for various purposes. Whether it was used as a currency or it was used as a jewellery item, it was believed to be more precious than gold. At the site itself, there were several jade stones that had a pinkish color but the source of that jade was never found ( later these where discovered to be Jadeite). There is no concrete evidence to where the jade stones were brought from and that still remains a mystery as this is not a colour that is normally associated with Nephrite.  

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In 1884, a mineralogist Heinrich Fischer wrote a paper " On Stone Implements in Asia". In studying Chinese stone celts and implements, he discovered a single specimen, which he believed to be of nephrite. He found that its edge was straight, which was attributed to the continual sharpening of the edge which proved that humans carved those stones. Another interesting kind mentioned by Fischer is a group of stone celts in the South Kensington Museum in London. " The are said to be of jade; their mineralogical diagnosis, however, is coffee-brown to a yellowish green, and at least four out of every six are remarkable for being engraved with antique Chinese characters, the names of their former owners". With these observations Fischer had to wonder if China had been explored sufficiently to know whether there was a stone epoch. He thought that those stones could have been brought from a different place as a souvenir of their ancient homes. However, this notion seemed to be contradictory to his prior observation of Chinese symbols. It proves that those stones are indigenous to China. Yet, his thought has a valid point.  

John Anderson is considered to be the first to discover stone implements in China. While he was in China, he saw a stone implement on sale. Later on, he started collecting them. The stones turned out to be of jade. By further studies, the Anderson collections were then found to be the productions of the Shan tribe of Yun-nan, the earliest settlers of that region, and not of the much later colonizing arrivals, the Chinese. However, these stones remain of the geographic area of China.

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To this day, no one knows exactly how the jade was brought up and mined at that time. In some instances, they were found lying down on the ground, some with ancient Chinese symbols. Even, the mineralogical diagnosis was unclear. In the 1920’s the jade stones were found to be of two kinds. The jade stone could be of nephrite and could be of a jadeite. A nephrite is a form of amphibole, which is a complex hydrous silicate. A jadeite is a gem form of pyroxene, which is related to amphiboles, it is a sodium aluminum silicate. Both types have colors ranging from brown to yellow to green, but only jadeite has a pink variety.  

The Hongshan culture, which was located in Liaoning province, had several kinds of jade ornaments. Some of those ornaments had a pinkish appearance. It was later found to be of jadeite. To this day, no one knows where the Hongshan culture acquired. From this, you can come up with two assumptions. The first assumption is that pink jade was totally exhausted from a nearby mine, thus leaving no trace from where it came. The second assumption is that it came from a source not yet known and was forgotten about 6000 years ago.  

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Jade (Jadeite)

The history of Burma’s jade mines in the West is a brief one. While hundreds of different reports, articles and even books exist on the famous ruby deposits of Mogok, only a handful of westerners have ever made the journey to northern Burma’s remote jade mines and written down their findings. Occidental accounts of the mines make their first appearance in 1837. Although in 1836, Captain Hannay obtained specimens of jadeite at Mogaung during his visit to the Assam frontier (Hannay, 1837), Dr. W.Griffiths (1847) was the first European to actually visit the mines, in 1837 (Griffiths, 1847). The following is his account, as given in Scott and Hardiman (1900–1901):  

          In 1888, two years after their annexation of Upper Burma, the British dispatched a military expedition to the jade mines. Accompanying the troops was an Englishman, W.Warry, whose account of the history and working of the mines is one of the best. According to Charles Crosthwaite (1912), Chief Commissioner of Burma for 1887–1890, Warry was the expedition’s advisor on Chinese affairs:  

         He belonged to the Chinese Consular Service, spoke Chinese well, and understood these difficult people as well as an Englishman can. He was on most friendly terms with the Chinese in Burma, and could trust himself to them without fear. (Crosthwaite, 1912, The Pacification of Burma)  

         Warry’s description of the mines was given in the Myitkyina District Gazetteer (Hertz, 1912) and is reproduced here in its entirety:  

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         The jadestone or nephrite, has been known in China from a period of high antiquity. It was found originally in Khoten and other parts of Central Asia, and being of a brilliant white colour and very costly, it was held in high esteem as symbolical of purity in private and official life. The green variety of the stone seems to have been extremely rare, but not entirely unknown, for attempts are recorded to produce its colour artificially by burying white jade in juxtaposition with copper. The discovery that green jade of fine quality occurred in Northern Burma was made accidentally by a small Yunnanese trader in the thirteenth century. The story runs that on returning from a  journey across the frontier he picked up a piece of stone to balance the load on his mule. The stone proved to be jade of great value and a large party went back to procure more of it. In this errand they were unsuccessful, nobody being able to inform them where the stone occurred.  Another attempt, equally fruitless, was made by the Yunnan Government in the fourteenth century to discover the stone; all the members of the expedition, it is said, perished by malaria, or at the hands of hostile hill-tribes. From this time onwards, for several centuries, no further exploration in the jade country seems to have been undertaken by the Chinese. Small pieces of the stone occasionally found their way across the frontier, but the exact source of the supply continued unknown.  

         The year 1784 marks the final termination of a protracted series of hostilities between Burma and China, and from this time dates the opening of a regular trade between the two countries. Adventurous bands of Chinese before long discovered that the jade-producing districts lay on the right bank of the Uru river, and a small but regular supply of the stone was now conveyed every year to Yunnan.  

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         Impracticable roads, a malarious climate, and an unsettled country prevented the expansion of the trade. Some twenty or thirty Chinese at the most went up into the jade country each season and a very small proportion of these ever returned. In the Chinese temple at Amarapura is a long list containing the names of upwards of 6,000 Chinese traders deceased in Burma since the beginning of the present century to whom funeral rites are yearly paid. The large majority of these men are known to have lost their lives in the search for jade. The roll includes only the names of well-known and substantial traders. Could the number of smaller traders and adventurers who perished in the same enterprise be ascertained, the list would be swelled to many times its present size.  

         The earliest route followed by the jade traders led from Momein to Kunyung Lien and Chansi on the Yunnan frontier. Here the Kachin Hills were entered and a week’s journey over exceedingly difficult mountain-tracks brought the travellers to Kachins-Yimma on the Irrawaddy, a place which appears to be some distance above Talawgyi. The river being crossed here, the parties made their way as best they could towards Hsimu (Seikmo) [Sate Mu] in the valley of the Uru river, which they usually reached after a toilsome march of some ten days. The Hsimu quarries were first discovered in 1790; they yielded a very brilliant jade, pieces of which are said to have been sometimes exchanged at Momein for their weight in silver.  

         In 1798 the Chinese traders at Ava, with the assistance of the Burmese Government, opened up a new route to the mines, namely from Ava to Menrua (Monywa), thence up the Chindwin and Uru rivers to Serua (Seywa), from which place the mines then worked were distant some two days’ journey by land. The trade in jade now developed rapidly, and Serua, being the depot, rose into considerable importance. After some years, however, this route became insecure owing to the hostility of certain Kachin tribes who commenced to waylay and rob caravans; and the original Kutung (Kuyung) route being for similar reasons unavailable, another new overland road was adopted, namely from Katha via Mawlu, Mohnyin and Loastun (Lawsun) to Endaw (Indaw); thence three days to the mines.  

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         The direct road into China via Bhamo had been known for centuries, but fear of the Kachins appears to have deterred traders from making a regular use of it. Even cotton from Lower Burma was constantly sent up by river past Bhamo to Tsenbo (Sinbo) or to Talaw, and was conveyed thence by mules into Yunnan. In 1805 the first consignments of jade were sent down the Mogaung river to Tsenbo (Sinbo), where they were given into the charge of the cotton caravans; and from 1807 for some years a favourite route for jade was from the mines by way of Myuhung (old Mogaung), Tapaw, and Hokat to Talaw on the Irrawaddy, whence the stone travelled overland with the cotton caravans via Sima, Tachai (the frontier between Burma and outlying tribes dependent on China) and Sanda (Santa) (the frontier of China proper) to Momein (Tengyueh). This route is still used to a small extent. It is under the protection of a powerful Chinese family at Tachai called Chao, to whom travellers pay a fixed sum for safe conduct.  

         Early in the present century the Burmese Kings seem to have become aware of the importance of the jade trade and of the revenue which it might be made to yield them. In 1806 a Burmese Collectorate was established at the site of what is now the town of Mogaung, and a guard of some thirty Burmese troops under a Military Officer was regularly stationed at the mines during the working season to protect the trade and to maintain order. This force was always accompanied by the Amatgyi, or hereditary noble, of the Mogaung district, whose special duty was to control the hill-tribes. The principal Kachin Sawbwas [princes] were also in the habit of meeting the Burmese official in Mogaung and escorting him up to the mines, where they provided him with entertainment during his stay.  

         Mogaung now became the headquarters of the jade trade in Burma. Comparatively few Chinese actually went up to the mines; the Kachins themselves brought down most of the stone to Shuitunchun, a sandbank opposite Mogaung, where a large bazaar was held during the season. The Burmese Collector imposed no tax upon the stone until it was ready to leave Mogaung, when he levied an ad valorem duty of 33 per cent, and issued a permit which was examined by his deputy at Tapaw, one day’s journey from Mogaung by river. After this the stone passed freely anywhere in Burma without further charge or inspection. The value of jade was determined for purposes of taxation by an official appraiser. This officer, however, by private arrangement with the traders and the Collector, estimated all stone about one-third of its real value. The actual duty paid was therefore small and business proceeded smoothly, cases of friction between the traders and the customs officers being of very rare occurrence. All payments were made in bar silver. The metal used was at first fairly pure, but it was soon debased by a large admixture of lead. Rupees did not come into general use until 1874.  

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         Besides the duty leviable at Mogaung, the stone had to bear certain charges, authorized and unauthorized, at the mines and Namiakyaukseik (Nanyaseik), one day’s journey from the mines:—(1) The Burmese officer at the mines imposed a monthly tax of 1 tael (about 4 annas) on everybody who came to trade; from this charge Burmans and actual workers in the mines were exempt; (2) a further sum of 2.5 taels (about 10 annas) was charged for a pass which was issued for each load of jade leaving the mines for Namiakyaukseik; (3) at Namiakyaukseik 4 taels (about a rupee) was paid on the arrival of every load to an agent of the Mogaung Collector permanently stationed there. Of these charges the Chinese regarded the first and third as legitimate, and the second as an unauthorized gratuity to the subordinates of the Mines Officer. All the above charges seem to have varied slightly from year to year.  

         The Kachins levied no toll on stones at the mines or proceeding down to Mogaung. Their rights appear to have been well understood and respected. They were regarded as the absolute owners of all the stone produced in their country. This ownership was never directly called in question by the King of Burma. As I shall point out below, the furthest length he went in this direction was to exclude all competition during the years when he bought jade from the Kachins. The Kachins on their side acknowledged the sovereignty of the King of Burma by admitting his officers to mines; by allowing them to purchase a certain quantity of stone for the Kings’ use at a nominal price; and by acquiescing in certain charges imposed by those officers and in certain  interferences at the mines, whereby the price of their stone was injuriously affected. I shall advert below to the rights of Kachin Sawbwas over their own people engaged in the jade-mining.  

         Under the system just described, the jade trade continued to flourish for many years. The period of its greatest prosperity is comprised within the years 1831–40, during which time at least 800 Chinese and 600 Shans were annually engaged in business or labour at the mines. All the stone was sent by one of the abovementioned routes to Yunnanfu, at this time the great emporium of the trade. The business there was mainly in the hands of Cantonese merchants, who bought the rough stone in large quantities and carried it back to be cut and polished at Canton. In 1841 war broke out between Great Britain and China. Hostilities first commenced at Canton and the effect on the jade trade was not long in making itself felt. Cantonese merchants no longer came to buy stone at Yunnanfu. Stocks accumulated and Yunnan traders ceased to go up to the mines. The Kachins, suffering from this stoppage of business, made urgent representations to the Burmese at Mogaung; and in 1842 a Burmese Officer proceeded from Mogaung to Momein to enquire if any offence had been given to Chinese traders that they did not come as usual to the mines. There was a partial revival of the trade for a few years commencing with 1847, but the disturbed state of Southern China, consequent upon the Taiping rebellion of 1850 prevented a complete recovery; and with the outbreak of the Panthay rebellion in 1857 the roads leading to Yunnanfu were blocked and all business in jade came to a standstill for several years.  

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         During the early part of the period just passed in review the Chinese estimate that the average amount of duty collected each year did not exceed Rs. 6,000, the output of jade being small and the official appraisers venal. About the year 1836, when the trade was most flourishing, Rs. 21,000 was the probable amount of the annual collections. After 1840, the duty fell to Rs.3,000 or less, and then it dwindled away to nothing. The above estimates are probably below the mark, as the Chinese would for obvious reasons, be inclined to understate the real amount.  

         The year 1861 witnessed a great improvement in the jade trade. From that date until now, the bulk of the stone has been carried by sea to Canton. In 1861 the first Cantonese merchants [merchant] arrived in Mandalay. He bought up all the old stocks of jade and conveyed them to China by sea, realising a large fortune on this single venture. His example was quickly followed by other Cantonese, and once more the trade in jade revived and numerous Yunnanese went up to the mines. The principal quarries were now at Sanka, a place recently visited by the Mogaung column. Stone had been discovered there many years before, but had been pronounced poor in quality and scarcely worth the troubles of working. Now, however, upon a second trial, it proved to be equal or superior to that from the earlier mines, the colour having, as the Kachins alleged, matured and deepened in the interval. The yearly duty collected at this time probably amounted to at least Rs.27,000.  

         Hitherto the collection of the duty had been in the hands of an official who had paid a very high price at Ava for his appointment and who was in the habit of remitting to the capital only as much as he thought fit—usually about one-fifth of the actual receipt. In 1866 the tax was farmed out for the first time. The price obtained was Rs.60,000 for a three-years’ lease. At the expiration of this term the King, dissatisfied with the amount of the jade revenue, determined to buy all the stone from the Kachins himself, and he appointed a high official to act as his agent at the mines. For a whole season Chinese and other dealers in jade were excluded from the mines; as the stone was dug up, it was purchased by the King’s agent, carried to Mogaung and there retailed to the traders. This arrangement was of course highly unsatisfactory to the Kachins, who first protested against the exclusion of other purchasers and then, finding their protest of no avail, resorted to the much more effectual method of curtailing the supply of stone and producing only pieces of indifferent quality. For this reason the King’s experiment was a failure and the total revenue he secured did not equal the proceeds derived from the sale of the monopoly in the preceding year. The Chinese explain the failure on other grounds. The experiment, they say, was doomed from the outset owing to the inherent impropriety of a sovereign descending into the arena of trade and taking the bread out of the mouths of his own subjects.  

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         During the years 1870, 1871 and 1872, the King obtained an annual remittance of Rs.12,000 from the Collector at Mogaung on account of the jade duty. In the following year new deposits of fine jade were discovered at Mantiemho, and the King again determined to become the sole purchaser from the Kachins. On this occasion, too, the revenue he realized fell far below the average of former years.  

         In 1874 the old system was reverted to and the collection amounted to Rs.60,000. Once more in 1875, the King undertook to buy the stone himself from the Kachins and again the experiment failed, though not so badly as on the two previous attempts. About this time the Iku quarry was discovered and, the output being very good, the right of collecting the duty was sold in 1876 for three years for the sum of Rs.60,000. In 1880, Wu Chi, the son of a Canton Chinaman by a Burmese mother, obtained a three years’ lease of the monopoly at the rate of Rs.50,000 a year. In the second year of his term Tomo (Tawmaw) quarries were opened and he made an immense fortune.  

         In the autumn of 1883, Mogaung was sacked by the Kachins, and during the ensuing winter and spring there was no trade in jade. In June 1884, order having been partially restored, a Chinese syndicate represented by Li Te Su took the monopoly for three years agreeing to pay Rs.10,000 the first year, Rs.15,000 the second, and Rs.20,000 the third.  

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         The up-country was still unsettled and the lessees, by arrangement with the traders, were permitted to collect duty at Bhamo instead of, as herebefore, at Mogaung. During the first two years of their term, owing to the disturbances connected with the adventurer Hsiao Chin (Hawsaing) and the British occupation of Upper Burma they collected little or no duty; but the proceeds of the third year left them with a margin of Rs.20,000 over and above their total expenses for the three years.  

         The tax was then farmed out by the British Government to Loenpin, the present lessee. Matters between him and the jade merchants did not proceed smoothly. Loenpin from the first was very strict in exacting his rights. He taxed every piece of jade at Bhamo and Mandalay that did not bear plain marks of the stamp of his predecessor, and he declined, contrary to the practice of all his predecessors, to make allowance in cases where the stamp had been obliterated through frequent washing of the stone or by long storage underground. He also refused to admit free of duty certain small re-imports of stone from Momein about which previous lessees had made no difficulty. So far Loenpin was acting within strict legal rights. His action in other respects was more questionable. No duty had ever been collected at Mogaung until the stone was reported         ready to leave the place, when duty was paid and a pass issued. Stone might thus remain at Mogaung for years and change hands many times without being subjected to any charge. Loenpin, however, insisted that all jade should pay duty to him within five days from its arrival at Mogaung. This new regulation bore very hardly upon the small traders in jade. For example, such a man might have been lucky enough to secure a stone worth a thousand rupees. On his arrival at Mogaung Loenpin would say to him: ‘I value your stone at five hundred rupees; pay me the duty (Rs.166) within five days.’ In many cases the owner would not be able to raise this sum at so short a notice; and if he failed to do so, Loenpin claimed to buy the stone at his own valuation, that is to say, for just what it was really worth.  

         In addition to rendering himself obnosious [obnoxious] to all traders in jade Loenpin had roused the apprehension of the Kachin owners of the mines. He had made no secret from the first of his intention, not merely to collect the duty, but to get the actual management of the mines into his own hands. When the Chinese and Kachins, by way of reprisals, stopped the supply of jade for some weeks, he openly announced that this did not matter, for the English were shortly coming to put him into armed possession of the mines which he then intended to work with imported labour from Singapore.